Clichés do not exist just to be depreciated by those who have writing as a job. In origin, they tend to contain truths whose abusive use places them on the list of trivialities to be avoided when preparing reasoning.
One of these clichés says that Brazilians don’t know the football team’s lineup by heart, but they have the names of the football ministers on the tip of their tongue. It reflects well the prominence that the court began to occupy in the public arena.
This began with live broadcasts on TV Justiça and gained traction in 2012, in the trial of the first criminal case to involve and condemn the leadership of a party in power, as well as leaders and parliamentarians from party groups from the government base ().
From there, ministers rose to stardom to the point where the rapporteur was considered as a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, which did not happen. Barbosa retired early, but the legacy of his protagonism remained and was evident in the change in criteria for nominations to the Supreme Court.
The constitutional norm of unblemished reputation and notorious legal knowledge has been adapted to the rule of the degree of proximity and trust of presidents in nominees. Along with this, we witnessed the transformation of the collegiate.
From the era of absolute containment we have entered the phase of uninhibited participation of magistrates as influential political agents. In the case files —in monocratic decisions and repeated changes to legal parameters— and outside them —when some of the judges start to take a position on aspects of national life and behave contrary to the standard of honesty required for the role.
Since the court has changed and chosen to open itself to society, it is natural that there is a list of rules that open up to the public the assessment of the judges’ conduct in relation to what society expects of them.
In the case of , however, it would not replace the indispensable self-restraint.
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