The judge who points out the need to adjust conduct in the supreme court does not agree with the president who, in , compares demands for fairness and transparency in the collegiate’s acts to threats and intimidation.
One doesn’t talk to the other. Therefore, it is to be assumed that the one at the beginning needed to give way to the other who signed the text rejecting the questions about decisions and family situation. Both circumstances related to the case of .
Luiz announced the demonstration after a round of consultations with colleagues. When he interrupted his vacation, the president of the Federal Supreme Court () gave the impression that the urgency reflected the duty to provide consistent answers to doubts raised in society, in the press, in the legal world, in the political universe, in the financial market and even in State bodies.
At first glance, Fachin lost the stop to the defensive wing. The same one that believes it owes no satisfaction to the country and supports measures contrary to the court’s constitutional control prerogatives.
However, there is a version that the president of the Supreme Court made a gesture towards internal conciliation, in order not to be isolated and pave the way for the ministers now in the spotlight to review their positions.
It could be a strategic move, but it could also be nothing like that, just a way to alleviate criticism. It depends on Toffoli’s willingness to let the Master’s and Moraes’ rapporteur — in a very remote hypothesis — take the initiative to propose a veto on the permission for relatives of ministers to advocate in cases under the scrutiny of the Supreme Court.
The group of political activists within the court do not seem to have understood the scope of the reputational demoralization that this brought to the STF. And Fachin, tied to the dictates of the collegiate, is held hostage by the most active. He wins by not isolating himself, but he loses the opportunity to print the brand he promised his management.
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