Interview: Zema criticizes ‘political idolatry’ and tries to differentiate itself from Bolsonarism

The governor of Minas Gerais, Romeu Zema (Novo), is betting on the electorate’s fatigue with polarization to support his pre-candidacy for the Planalto and tries to assert himself as a name on the right with a style distinct from Bolsonarism. Although he claims to be closer to Jair Bolsonaro than to Lula on the ideological spectrum, Zema criticizes what he calls “political idolatry”, states that the country is experiencing an exhaustion of radicalism and maintains that there is room for a candidate who dialogues with voters who reject both poles.

You say you are a candidate for President. Is there real space to break the polarization between PT and Bolsonarism?

Brazilians remain polarized, but are tired of this radicalism and extremism. I am always in contact with people in the interior of the state and there is a sense of tiredness with this climate of “I do everything right and the other person does everything wrong”. This has an expiration date. People are getting fed up. Today I think little is seen about this because it’s just the same as usual. We need new events in politics.

Do you consider yourself a third way? Where do you position yourself on that spectrum?

If we evaluate that at one extreme is Lula and at the other is Bolsonaro, I would say that I am much closer to Bolsonaro than Lula, but not as far to the right as he is, because I have different opinions. I don’t believe in idolatry, in following everything someone says. I believe in debate, in mature people who have different ideas. Within the right-left spectrum, based on the proposals we have, I am considered more to the right. Now, in political polarization, perhaps Bolsonaro is a little more to the right than me.

Do you think you speak to the same electorate as Flávio Bolsonaro or to a different segment of the center-right?

There is a lot of overlap, but also a different electorate. There are people who reject Lula and reject Bolsonaro. There will always be room for a third name.

The PSD signed Ronaldo Caiado and still has options to launch Ratinho Júnior or Eduardo Leite for the Presidency. Do you maintain your candidacy in this scenario or will you support them?

We will probably have three candidates from the right: me, Flávio Bolsonaro and whoever is defined by the PSD. I will take my pre-candidacy until the end because I have different proposals. Anyone who follows my work in Minas knows that we inherited a ruined state and did things that are exceptions in Brazil’s political context. We need what in the business world is called shaking up the public sector. In Minas, we rescued the state by adopting management lessons that the political world resists using.

What did you think of Caiado’s movement and the formation of this bloc?

I’m very happy that the right is walking together. Unlike what many say, that there would only need to be one candidate, if it has two, three or four it will be stronger. The more candidates we have on the right, the more votes we will have. In the second round, which will be decisive, then we will all be together supporting whoever passes.

Governor Eduardo Leite said that many candidacies could disperse votes and take Flávio Bolsonaro to the second round, reproducing polarization. Do you agree?

It’s a hypothesis, but, as I said, more candidates means more votes. If I go to the second round, I hope to receive support. If Mouse goes, you can count on me. If Flávio goes, you can count on me too. I’ll be on second shift either working for myself or working for them.

Will you go all the way with your application under any circumstances?

I am going yes. I started with 1% in Minas and grew as the proposals became known. I know Brazil is much bigger, but it is possible.

You appear with a maximum of 5% of voting intentions in the latest Quaest survey. Why maintain the candidacy?

I am the only governor who had to repair what was destroyed by the PT. I have in my baggage how to improve education, health, security and infrastructure, as we did in Minas with a scandal-free, lean management. If it was possible in Minas, it is possible in Brazil.

You have already said that, if elected, you would pardon former president Jair Bolsonaro. Do you maintain this position?

Yes, I maintain it. Brazil needs to put an end to this chapter of coup attempts that the left talks about so much. We had no shootings, no violent deaths, no fighting, no involvement of armed forces. What we had was someone who designed something that barely got off the ground and who received punishment as if he had carried out an armed movement with thousands of victims, which we did not have. It was a disproportionate retaliation.

Do you intend to visit him in prison?

I was with him about five or six months ago, just before he was forced to put on the ankle bracelet. He was the first person I discussed my pre-candidacy for President with and he said that the more right-wing candidates there are, the better. I always hear about him from people who visit him. I haven’t had that opportunity yet, but I would like to. I haven’t seen him for a few months now and I’m hoping for his health recovery.

Have you already started conversations to form platforms outside of Minas? The New does not govern any other state. How do you intend to campaign?

The president of Novo is already having conversations outside of Minas, and this will be intensified. In 2022 we formed an alliance with nine parties in Minas. We are open to alliances across Brazil.

The PSD in Minas is home to vice-governor Mateus Simões, his name for state succession. Can a national PSD project change the scenario in Minas?

I will support the lieutenant governor and he will support me. We are not going to prohibit a national PSD candidate from coming to Minas, he will come, but he will not have the support or the platform of his vice president. This was dealt with very clearly between Novo and PSD. We will walk this way.

Representations at TCE-MG and the Public Ministry question the use of official aircraft on agendas that coincide with their pre-campaign. Are you using the government structure to project yourself electorally?

They are looking for “hair on eggshells” and they won’t find it. They are confusing me with traditional politicians, who confuse State equipment with their own life. Yesterday I returned from my city by car. I am authorized to use aircraft, but I preach economy. There was a specific episode: I had an appointment in Rio de Janeiro with governor Cláudio Castro, we were very late and I arrived after the end of a congress. My official participation as governor was not possible, but I met with the organizers until almost midnight. And look at the irony: they are only having access to this data because I made it available.

In the past, you said that the South and Southeast “carry the country on their shoulders”, which was seen as criticism of the other regions. Do you maintain this position?

The South and Southeast are very representative regions in terms of population, production and revenue, with some of the best income and development indicators in the country. What works in them is fully feasible in the rest of Brazil. I created Cosud, which today has joint actions, including in the area of ​​public security and cooperation between civil defenses. I don’t see this as something that harms my national viability. I get along very well with politicians from the Northeast and the North. I believe in Brazil as a federation, in a strong union. What I said was that states that collect more contribute a lot to the others — and will continue to contribute.

In Minas, you adopted a privatization agenda. Do you intend to replicate this model nationally?

I’m in favor. I give the example of Cemig: we expanded solar generation, resolved energy shortages and built substations. I am in favor of privatization. The State can be a partner, receive dividends, but cannot send them. The State is slow and needs to comply with a series of legal requirements. Works that could be done in one year take three or four. If they were dealerships, they would already be ready. What is a priority is what is most viable. Correios could have been sold seven years ago and they weren’t because there was opposition, and that’s the result. Where you have hemorrhage, you have to act more quickly.