The group gathered its nucleus in Brasília and organized a rapprochement with this electorate through themes such as violence against women, the end of the 6×1 scale and the regulation of bets. , still at an advantage among evangelicals, tries to expand this base with faith, family, religious freedom and defense against threats to Christian values. Their gestures combine presence in churches, and a security discourse focused on reducing the age of criminal responsibility.
This dispute arises because evangelicals are socially diverse, with different demands, but for a decade they have been voting in a concentrated way to the right. On this side, politicians take a shortcut on identity, after all, true believers defend “the family” and vote against the left. In an attempt to explore social diversity and, on a much smaller scale, part of the gospel left reproduces the logic:
However, in the voter’s mind this strategy should find a limit in Romans 1:17: “The just will live by faith.” The phrase that marked Luther reminds us that salvation does not come from works or political credentials, but from faith in Christ. If no vote makes someone more Christian, no ideology should serve as a stamp of spiritual life.
At the same time that voting does not save anyone, it is also not above judgment, since electoral choices are not equally positive. Candidates’ proposals and conduct must be evaluated by their results, as they can protect or harm people regardless of declared intentions. In other words, the conversation needs to move away from group identity and into the realm of consequences.
But there are obstacles: on the one hand: family, security, communism, freedom. These are legitimate concerns, but they translate little into solutions beyond the reaction to the left’s proposals. Now, whoever asks for a vote needs to say what they intend to do about daycare, income, public safety, etc., and it shouldn’t be enough to pose in worship or receive support from a famous pastor.
On the left, sometimes. Then, election year arrives and they rediscover that evangelicals also take the bus, work, raise children, take care of the elderly and do social work where the State cannot reach. This change of attitude, when it is electorally appropriate, does not go unnoticed and has its costs.
Still, it has merit: it tries to make an agenda clear. By connecting Lula government policies, such as Escala 6×1, Minha Casa Minha Vida and access to justice, to his reading of the biblical text, it is shown that, when the vote is not guaranteed, politics needs to try a little harder.
If family and protection of the oppressed are non-negotiable values, it is necessary to look at where these values are harmed in practice: schools that do not teach, violence at home, gambling and debt are some examples.
We recorded 87,545 cases of rape in 2024, the majority of which were against children under 14 and at home. Furthermore, 25.2 million Brazilians bet on authorized platforms in 2025, which earned R$37 billion, according to the Ministry of Finance. In April 2026, according to the CNC.
But debating causes, costs and solutions is less attention-grabbing and results in fewer cuts for networks. There is no vote capable of eliminating all impasses and problems in politics, the minimum is to be aware of which promise justified the choice and demand it later. Without this charge, the evangelical vote becomes too cheap: just nod with belonging.
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