There’s no way around it, Luiz Inácio da Silva is one of those politicians who only trusts his own bat. Intuitively, it seems to have relied on this characteristic to design the announcement of the so-called cost containment measures on an electoral basis, in the certainty that everything will fall into place as long as the “market” understands the calculation and submits to its motivations.
When he was elected president the first time, he realized that he would not govern if he adopted the motto of spending is life. He handed over the management of the economy under the auspices of the stability bases defined by , while on the platform he spoke against the “cursed inheritance”.
It worked, but as soon as he believed he would be free from the constraints —Palocci out and popularity high—, in the second term he began the opposite trajectory. Exacerbated by , it led to disarray of accounts and loss of political support.
Not coincidentally, this happened when both Lula and Dilma took the helm of the economy. They were in practice the ministers of the area. When professionals in the field are trampled on in their authority, or allow themselves to be trampled on, good results are not achieved.
Lula himself set an example in his government. in command of the Central Bank, still without legal autonomy, he imposed the barrier of non-interference under penalty of resigning. This was also the case with FHC in relation to Itamar Franco, who wanted to introduce a price freeze in the Real Plan.
As Minister of Finance, he fought a tough internal battle in which, it was soon seen, he was right.
However, he surrendered to the evidence that Lula 3 perceives the scenario differently than Lula 1.
The surrender may have qualified him for succession, in 2026 or 2030, but it weakened him in his task of preserving the economy on whose success the maintenance of hard-won trust depends. A condition that projected Haddad as an electoral alternative for the government camp, but could be lost due to excess in Lula’s personalist presumption.
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