The is not part of the government’s priorities in this environment with end of the end of the party. And this despite the presidency of; the fall of deforestation – the ministry’s workforce conducted by to recover state capabilities destroyed by the Bolsonaro government; and the ambitious ecological transition plan launched in 2024 by Fernando Haddad.
Supported by a coalition of parties as extensive as fragile and facing an unsubmitted and conservative congress, President Lula seems to bet on the chips remaining in projects with the potential to yield immediate public support and electoral return next year. Environmental policy gives you neither one thing. Still, it is of paramount importance.
In fact – in addition to the urgency of protecting the social and environmental wealth of tireless harassment from those who extract immediate benefits from devastation – there are two issues whose discussion is inescapable. The prevailing answers will define the features of the Brazilian economy and the course of its development: predatory or sustainable.
The first of these concerns the role of oil in the transition to a low carbon economy. The second refers to mining, especially critical minerals (lithium, niobium, tantalum, graphite, cobalt) and rare lands, whose role is essential in high -tech industries; in renewable energy production and defense artifacts.
These issues are difficult to resolve because they share society, political elites and the federal government itself. No wonder. After all, they strip the contradiction between, on the one hand, the maximization of immediate and concentrated benefits and, on the other, the consequences of diffuse and long -term impact. For example, oil exploration at the mouth of the Amazon, if it is viable, will bring additional incomes to the state of Amapá, one of the most needy in the country, although tending to generate harmful consequences for the ecological balance of the region. Or, if mining in indigenous lands has no clear rules, it will provide inputs to industry and export, but it will cause environmental destruction, as well as disorganizing the lives of original populations.
Without an adequate regulatory framework and incentives that press non -predatory practices, the result can only be devastation. The virtuous regulation will only come – it will come – by the dialogue and negotiation between all the interests involved, now divided into enemy fields. And this dialogue will only be viable if promoted by a government endowed with the strategic view of sustainable growth. This is a task that the Minister Marina Silva, with all her competence and firmness of character, will not be able to handle alone.
This is why Pl 2,159/21, as it left, is a bad start. When tearing the rules for environmental licensing, it paves the way for a predatory exploration model of natural resources.
There is still time to suppress your more aberrant devices, such as the Senator Amendment (-AP) that creates a quick way to license projects of alleged national interest.
Even handcuffed to the political forces play, the center-left government does not need to let the country compromise its future.
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