Datafolha: Lula is seen worse than Bolsonaro in inflation – 06/13/2025 – Power

by Andrea
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The management of the President (PT) is perceived as well lower than the predecessor, (), when it comes to combating and public security.

Asked 2,004 voters on Tuesday (10) and Wednesday (11) about the comparison of governments in eight items.

The result. In addition to the elastic defeat in inflation and safety, he works out technical draws on themes on which he has been intensive and demonized by Bolsonaro: health, environment and poverty fighting.

Lula has advantage over the predecessor in housing and housing, and job creation, but by narrower margins.

The petista’s worst performance is in price control, according to Datafolha, 50% of voters believe that it is worse than the predecessor, before 29% they think otherwise. Another 17% see them with equivalent performances.

This is a case where popular perception matches the assessment of the financial market, whose agents are usual critics of government fiscal measures – which can generate inflation, as well as deterioration of the public debt profile.

The poorest, who earn up to 2 minimum wages, have a slightly less bad view of Lula’s work in terms: 43% think he goes worse than Bolsonaro, compared to 33% that they think the petista is better and 20% that point out equality.

Negative assessment before Bolsonaro is growing according to the income range, reaching 68% among the richest, which earn more than 10 minimum wages.

In security, a topic that is historically left by left governments in Brazil, Lula is seen as worse than the rival by 46%, compared to 29% who see him best and 22% who believe in a draw.

Reformed military man and linked to career security forces, Bolsonaro has always defended harder policies, usually accompanied by contempt for human rights issues in the area, something whose defense is associated with the left.

Lula has been trying to show some proactivity, with his Ministry of Justice working from police, but suffers criticism from states that fear loss of local control.

The news gets better to Lula when the theme is education, but marginally: 42% think he goes better than Bolsonaro, compared to 38% that say the opposite.

It is a technical draw on the survey margin, from two percentage points to more or less. They evaluate similar management another 18%. So far, the great showcase of the Plateau in the area is the foot, high school.

The most positive evaluation appears in the theme job generation, with 43% pointing to Lula as superior to the rival and 36% as inferior. Already 18% say they are the same.

Finally, in the positive field to the current plateau, 40% point out that the government is now better in job creation, compared to 33% that point to the previous one.

Here also the comparison is more favorable to Lula in the segment usually associated with petism, the lowest income, reversing the curve while moving to the richest field.

In the themes where Lula seemed to have an advantage over Bolsonaro, comparing his historical, there are unusual draws.

Starting with health, central agenda in the Bolsonaro Dado campaign during the Covid-19 pandemic.

According to the survey, 40% think the petista he called genocide in the campaign, while 38% see Lula better. Another 20% point out equality.

In the fight against poverty, a trademark of Lula’s first two terms (2003-10), another draw, with 41% saying to see the petista doing better in the item and 40% pointing out Bolsonaro favorably. Believe that both do the same 20%.

Finally, the environment, an area where Bolsonaro international forums. Here, 38% voters point to the current agent as better than the predecessor, compared to 37% who see him with worse performance, and 20% for whom they are equivalent.

This can reflect several things. One reading is that Lula’s environmental agenda is, as many critics point out, better in role than in practice – the clashes between Planalto and other areas of the government with the Ministry of the Environment, as in the equatorial margin of the Amazon.

Another hypothesis is that the electorate is more aligned with Bolsonaro’s negationist ideas, or the criticism made by agribusiness about what he sees from the sector, what environmentalists would like.

In the end, the comparative cast already anticipates themes of next year’s election campaign. Lula is the natural candidate of the left, except twists.

Bolsonaro is ineligible until 2030, but the comparison with his government will be inevitable as the right-wing field will hardly have an ex-mandatory candidate-not knowing how much toxicity is given in the event that he is arrested due to the case of the coup plot.

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