Streets of Ukrainian cities have been taken for the first time by protesters since the beginning of the war

by Andrea
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President Volodymyr Zelensky’s attempt to end anti -corruption organs is the central criticism of thousands of Ukrainians

Roman Pilipey / AFP
Thousands of protesters gathered on the streets of the capital Kiev and large cities like Odessa and Dnipro

In a country mobilized for a war against the second largest military power in the world, there are recently and few resources for internal policy. Since the Russian invasion and the martial law decree, civil society support to the Armed Forces and the president was consistent. The violence of Russian attacks united the Ukrainian population in common ideals defended by the world through the president -elect figure in 2019. The complete logistical disability of elections in 2024, when planned, generated huge criticism of Kremlin, alleging poorly democratic practices within the Ukrainian government. As hypocritical as any comment on democracy from the Russian Federation is, internally the popularity of Zelensky has gone through ups and downs for the past four years, depending on the success and morale of his troops.

Despite little admiration for parts of society and small pro-Russian groups that still live in the 80% of the country-controlled country, a robust and organized opposition never mobilized or proved viable during the war years. Zelensky’s European rhetorical and his commitment to values such as freedom of expression and transparency, resonated positively, especially with young people. However, the oligarchic and bureaucratic structure inherited from the Soviet Union has maintained practices in the depths of the Ukrainian state, which are hardly changed in a mandate.

Before Euromaidan over a decade ago, Ukraine was a nation completely aligned with Moscow’s interests, where individual freedoms and clean elections were just a distant dream. With the revolution in 2014 many new problems were born, but in fact, internal political changes made the birth of values associated with liberal democracies. Censorship gave rise to multiple newspapers of distinct views, bureaucrats allied to had to compete in elections against dissonant voice, and greater collection control and their respective spending occurred.

However, corruption in certain sectors of the government structure remained an endemic problem. Favor certain families, companies and individuals for old friendships or economic conveniences continued to be part of the Ukrainian daily life, despite successful reforms. The aspiration to become a member of the European Union brought to Ukraine numerous obligations and goals before the formalization of the application or the rise to the block. In addition to challenging economic and monetary reforms, state transparency and the fight against corruption must be constant in order to mitigate irregularities.

In this context specific agencies such as the National Anti -Corruption Office and the Specialized Anti -Corruption Prosecutor’s Office began to act independently to conduct investigations, produce reports and point out deviations and irregularities. Upon receipt of hundreds of billions of dollars in the financial, military and humanitarian aid of allies, some allegations of improper deviations of resources began to emerge. Such cases, which are still in investigation, eventually caused the resignation of ministers and criticism from all sides. Zelensky’s promise to his people and his trusters was to make all the necessary resources available for autonomous investigations and the immediate punishment to the culprits.

Despite the promises, the president defended the approval of a controversial bill aimed at removing independence from the anti-corruption bodies, placing them under the control of Ukraine Attorney General and giving access to the government to the investigated cases. Thousands of protesters gathered in the streets of the capital Kiev and large cities such as Odessa and Dnipro, demanding Zelensky’s presidential veto to the project already approved in the Ukrainian parliament. This was the first great popular mobilization since the beginning of the war in 2022. Despite the pressure of the streets, the president said he will not use his veto power, but guarantees the continuity of the work cleanly by the agencies.

The staggering military campaign in summer and the long awaiting new NATO weapons, once again tests Zelensky’s popularity. Reiterated promises without guarantee, worry Ukrainian citizens who observe in recent political maneuvers a threat to Kiev’s European dream. By placing himself on the side of the old Soviet state structure still present in the Ukrainian warehouses, the president is not as different from his predecessors and not as reformist as his allies of this or the other side of the Atlantic await. Perhaps the fatigue of war in foggy times, just push Ukraine to family members and boring practices already known from past times.

*This text does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the young Pan.

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