Every day, small businesses set up shop around Vila Madalena station, in the west zone of the capital of São Paulo. Amid the human tide, one establishment draws attention: Casa Marx, a cultural space with a bookstore, second-hand bookstore, cafe and thrift store, dedicated to spreading left-wing thought. There is also the headquarters of Faísca Revolucionária, a collective of young anti-capitalists, active in 15 countries.
“The term ‘anti-capitalist’ tries to account for several phenomena related to the feeling that the current system no longer offers hope for us”, says Pedro Ferreira, 26, leader of the group, at the back of the house, with walls covered in posters, with engravings of Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
The existence of Faísca is related to the emergence of other groups of young people fighting for the same cause, inside and outside universities. In common, they oppose the federal deputy (PL-MG) and the members of the (Movimento Brasil Livre), today supported by a significant part of the youth. At the same time, they criticize the president () and do not feel represented by the politicians who emerge as candidates. In origin, anti-capitalist sentiment is a trace of the so-called revolt, disillusioned young people who are now organizing protests around the world.
Linked to the MRT (Revolutionary Workers Movement), Faísa, created a decade ago, became known for promoting study workshops on communism at universities. Its members call each other “comrade” and, instead of , use ChatMarx, a Marxist-oriented application.
Noah Brandsch, 21, another Faísca leader, is looking for an alternative to Lula. “Utopia is us believing that it is possible to change things within the capitalist system”, he states. “It is the left’s task to overcome what was the PT’s class conciliation, which only strengthened the extreme right.”
Dissatisfaction with the government is also present in Movimento Correnteza, a student organization created eight years ago under the motto “organize your revolt” and focused on the fight for education. Thaís Rachel, 32, leader of Correnteza and vice-president of UNE, prefers to vote for candidate Samara Martins, from UP (Unidade Popular).
According to Rachel, young people are underrepresented in politics. “There are even new leaders, but the electoral system is unfair and only favors parties that have been there for years”, he says.
In recent years, the revolt of generation Z, an expression that refers to those born between the end of the 1990s and 2010, triggered protests in countries such as Peru, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Kenya. Each of them had their own motivation, but they all aspired to change the status quo. To do so, they appropriated the same symbol: the flag of “One Piece”, a manga in which the protagonists fight against the system.
In , Democrat Zohran Mamdani, 34, was elected mayor thanks to a collaboration with young people, excited by the socialist platform presented in the campaign — 78% of voters under the age of 30 voted for him. The reality is very different in Brazil. Here, the anti-capitalist left is a minority among young people.
Atlas Intel research, published in December, showed that 52% of generation Z say they are right-wing or center-right. Deputies like Nikolas Ferreira (PL) and , from MBL, have a special connection with this electorate, which absorbs and propagates notions of meritocracy, entrepreneurship and even a contempt for the CLT, a topic that was trending in posts on TikTok.
“Nikolas’ networks are used to reference his figure. They may even call for actions, but not for a long-term collective organization”, says Theo Lobato, 30, leader of the Juntos! —just like that, with an exclamation mark at the end. He is distressed by the climate crisis, technological advances and the precariousness of work. Having joined Juntos! A decade ago, still under the impact of the June 2013 Days, Lobato attended COP30 in Belém in November.
For Julia Andrade Maia, 27, also a member of Juntos!, the right is efficient on the internet because it has more economic power, in a context of a crisis of representation on the left. Given the lack of options, she would vote for Lula, but she won’t “do the L” — a reference to the PT symbol, made with his hands by his supporters.
The activist criticizes the fiscal framework, which limits government spending, and the slowness of the discussion about the exploration of Foz do Amazonas. “When I was younger, my parents told me that if I studied, I would have a job, a house and a car. I’m in my second degree and all of this is far from happening.”
On Wednesday night (25), Juntos! organized a debate, on the USP campus, with the title “The People of the World Against Imperialism: The Anti-Fascist and Anti-Racist Struggle to Save the Planet”. At the table were federal deputy Sâmia Bomfim (-SP), revealed by Juntos!, state co-deputy Ana Laura (PSOL-SP) and philosopher Douglas Barros.
In the audience, there were about a hundred humanities freshmen. Bomfim, 36, says it is necessary for the left to propose an alternative to capitalism. “There was no extreme right when I was a student activist, everything was easier. At the same time, the weight of the extreme right makes it possible to build unity.”
At the event, the ecosocialist proposal that defines the collective became evident. Students and speakers highlighted some urgent concerns: the advancement of artificial intelligence, the terminality of capitalism, the question of identity and modern forms of colonialism. At this point, it emerges as a priority theme for the anti-capitalist Generation Z, which treats Gaza as a neighborhood in the capital of São Paulo.
“International solidarity is a fundamental element for us, because the Palestinian people are being genocidal, this is not a left-wing thing, everyone knows what is happening”, says Pedro Antônio Chiquitti, 21, organizer of the event.
Safatle, who is now releasing the book “The Internal Threat”, states that progressive collectives have the mission of creating a new language for the left. He observes a large number of products from the cultural industry thematizing dystopian realities, which would be a symptom of the psychological suffering that affects generation Z. “An 18-year-old does not have guaranteed environmental living conditions for when he turns 40”, says Safatle. “Maybe this young man’s city won’t have clean air for him to breathe. Do you have any idea what that is?”
