Journalism protects society by acting as a watchdog. If we were to take on another role – that of activists – our core function would be weakened. In Hungary, and apparently also in Slovakia, pro-government politicians are purposefully trying to push us into this role. Why? Because then they can easily say, “See, he’s not independent, he’s just pushing his political views.” It puts them in an advantageous position where they don’t have to respond to our revelations and facts, because they play it off that we are their political opponents.
Did you notice that this document also reached the voters of the ruling Fidesz party? Any chance he’ll get outside your “bubble”?
Probably not, because this film is not shown in regular Hungarian cinemas at all. They played it at festivals in Budapest, but the audience of these festivals belongs to an intellectual community that no longer supports Fidesz anyway. The core of Fidesz voters lives in the countryside and in small villages. And it’s not just my personal impression, it’s also confirmed by survey data that these are often less educated people. In addition, this entire countryside is under the control of government mayors. We tried to offer the film to regional cinemas, but none were willing to show it. They won’t reject you directly for political reasons, but obviously they just won’t put on films critical of the government.
Even in Budapest we had a problem with it at first. Fortunately, the mayor of Budapest is from the opposition, so some independent and art theaters that have some connection to the municipality ended up showing our film. We had about 10 or 12 screenings there and they were all sold out. It’s great, but it still means that we operate in our bubble and it’s very difficult to get out of it and convince people to watch something that doesn’t fit their worldview.
You described the atmosphere in Hungary before the upcoming elections as “crazy and hysterical”. It does not contribute to the fact that coalition politicians absolutely refuse to communicate with critical media. How can balanced reporting be done in such a toxic environment?
You must be in very good shape. (laughs) As a journalist here, you literally have to climb over fences and run after politicians. Viktor Orbán has not given a real interview to independent journalists for about 16 years. He only goes to friendly media, where his own team prepares questions for him in advance. It’s like in Soviet times. It is almost impossible to get the government’s opinion. Even if you make an official request for information under the law, they simply ignore it. Then you have to sue them and you get the information maybe five years later. The only way is to not let up and constantly collect information from all available sources.
Much of Europe looks to Péter Magyar and his Tisza party as the hope for change. However, you described him as a “younger Orbán” who emerged from the same system. If he wins, do you believe that the media environment in Hungary will recover?
That’s a big question. Magyar is secretive about his specific plans, which is understandable, as Fidesz would immediately use any information for a massive disinformation campaign. But I am sure that if it wants to be successful in the long term, it needs financial help from the European Union, so it has to be pro-European in many ways. But I have concerns. The best we can hope for is a scenario similar to Poland today, where Donald Tusk’s government is trying to move the country back towards Europe, but the obstacles left in the system by the previous set are enormous.
But what if Viktor Orbán wins again? Surveys are unclear.
It could be much worse. In a normal democratic situation, I would be one hundred percent sure that the opposition would win now. But we no longer live in a democracy. It is a hybrid, authoritarian regime, and under the circumstances I simply cannot predict what the final outcome will be. We may experience more big surprises, because Fidesz is willing to do absolutely anything to not lose control of power.
We are already seeing the secret service being abused for the benefit of the government and against political opponents, which is a distinctly Russian or Belarusian way of dealing with politics. And then there’s the infamous “foreign agents” law. This law is already completely prepared, it is finished and it is on the table. The government has not yet implemented it only because there was a huge campaign against it in the independent media, so they probably assessed that it would be more tactical to wait before the elections. But if Orbán wins and this law goes into effect, it will basically be the definitive end of free media in Hungary.
According to the findings of the journalists, part of the campaign is the massive use of deepfake videos and the presence of Russian election experts. How do these Russian experts work for you?
An excellent investigative journalist – by the way, the very one whom the government is now attacking and accusing of espionage against Hungary – published a crucial text on this topic. These experts do not work publicly and the government, of course, denies this. However, we know from various sources that it is very serious.
The fact that our Minister of Foreign Affairs Péter Szijjártó regularly talks directly to Sergey Lavrov during meetings of EU ministers in Brussels also testifies to the strong connection to Russia. We do not see the direct consequences of the activities of these Russian experts with our own eyes, but their signature is borne by huge disinformation campaigns on social networks – fake accounts, pro-government manipulations and AI content.
However, we know that Péter Magyar is strongly pro-European and openly accuses the government of close ties to Putin. He directly called Szijjártó a Putin spy. That is why he is now the target of discredit campaigns by the secret services and the disinformation machine.
Let’s go back to your movie. There is a very powerful scene in it where your editorial colleague says with tears in his eyes that you should have foreseen the end of Index much earlier. When you look back today at how your editorial takeover and changes in ownership structure went, what were the first warning signs that something was afoot? What “warning signals” should the media, for example here in Slovakia, pay the most attention to in this context?
The aforementioned colleague, who is crying out of frustration in that scene, happens to be a close associate of the investigative journalist whom the Hungarian government today accuses of espionage. They work together in Telex. At the time, he said in the film, “Why did we keep hoping all these years? We should have known this ending was coming and we shouldn’t have waited so long.”
There were many warning signs around us. The biggest red flag is when the CEO of your parent company unexpectedly changes and is replaced by someone with absolutely no business history or real management history. Our publishing company was huge, a real media colossus. You can probably imagine how much money is needed to buy such a huge media company. And suddenly a person from nowhere appears at her head. Then you have to ask: How did such a person get such power and such money?
It was quite obvious that he was just a puppet, a white horse. Actually, all of us in the editorial office knew from the beginning that he actually represents the interests of Viktor Orbán and fulfills his assignment. When they put an essentially “non-existent” businessman in charge of your newspaper, that’s the most crucial moment when you should pay attention.
The second big warning sign is the efforts for so-called “reorganization” under the pretext of streamlining the editorial office. A unified editorial office, where people trust each other, is the biggest obstacle for this power. If they try to force loyal outsiders into your system, or depose the editor-in-chief, you know something is wrong.
What is most important for journalists in such a situation?
The main message of our film is how important community is. We succeeded after the collapse of the Index and founded an independent Telex only because we stuck together in that hopeless situation. In Hungary, several excellent newspapers failed only because journalists scattered and looked for work individually. That common force was lost. Unity and trust, not only in the newsroom but in the whole society, is the most important thing you have when you fight against autocracy.
Who is András Földes and the story of 80 angry journalists
András Földes (*1971) is a renowned Hungarian journalist and war reporter. For many years he worked in the once most influential independent online newspaper Index.hu, where he covered war conflicts (Afghanistan, Ukraine) and the global migration crisis. He is the holder of several prestigious awards, including the Hungarian Pulitzer Memorial Prize (2018). He currently works in the editorial office of HVG.hu.
The fall of the Index and the emergence of Telex: In the summer of 2020, Index.hu faced massive political and economic pressure from people close to Viktor Orbán’s government. The situation culminated in the installation of new management and the firing of editor-in-chief Szabolcs Dull. More than 80 journalists resigned en masse in protest. They then, thanks to the huge support and donations from readers, founded a new independent portal Telex.hu from scratch.
Film from inside the collapse: András Földes filmed the event in the newsroom during the critical weeks. The time-lapse documentary 80 Angry Journalists was created from these unique images capturing the fall of the largest media institution in the country. He collaborated with director and editor Anna Kis on the film. The internationally co-produced documentary premieres in the spring of 2026, just a few weeks before key parliamentary elections in Hungary.
