Alessandro Vieira made a gross political error in his Organized Crime CPI report. Driven by pride or indignation, bad advisors, he embarked on a misuse of purpose to propose the indictment of ministers from and from the omitted PGR. But Vieira, a serious and competent senator, is not a Bolsonarist provocateur: his mistake reflects the general repulsion provoked by the behavior of judges who claim to be immune from public scrutiny.
Much worse than the report was the reaction of Gilmar Mendes and Toffoli. His threats to impeach or make the senator ineligible, delivered in a hateful tone, must be read as authoritarian expressions of despair. They lack backbone when they spout bravado without legal support or political viability. They lack a mirror when they accuse the accuser of abuse of authority. The only reason they do not occupy –yet!– the place of being investigated is because Brazil bravely resists the principle of equality before the law.
Supreme Federal Burden. Unable to reconcile words and gestures, Fachin once again surrendered to corporatist infamy, defending the indefensible. Will Moraes not explain the phone calls to Vorcaro or his wife’s Arabian Nights contract? Will Toffoli continue to quibble about his real estate business with the trick funds invented by the pyramid financier? Will no one justify rides on jets acquired through criminal routes?
Paradox: the STF has become, in the eyes of the public, a symbol of unpunished illegality. Who will save us from our saviors?
This time, he carried the federal burden, maneuvering within the CPI to overturn the brainless report. According to one version, the rescue provided by Planalto resulted from an unholy pact with the center, signed in a hushed council with Alcolumbre. In the shadow of , a mutual aid society is articulated that projects itself ideologically from right to left and, institutionally, from Congress to the STF. Political Brazil is struggling in a quagmire.
The alternative version interprets the rescue as a necessity imposed by the Lulist objective of preserving, in a possible new term, the alliance with the Supreme Party. Conformed to another defeat in the election for Congress, Planalto intended to continue governing under the protection of intense legislative activity by black-robed judges. It would be an extension of the perennial exceptionalism decreed since Bolsonaro engaged in the adventure of the coup d’état – and, in this step, another turn of the screw of the politicization of the STF.
The risk is obvious. Lula tried to separate himself from the demoralized judges through public criticism of Toffoli and The report crisis interrupted his operation at the worst moment, when electoral polls reveal a dangerous technical tie. The right, as involved or more involved in the Master case than the left, celebrates a scenario in which the burden weighs on the shoulders of others.
The institutional solution depends on bold initiatives by Fachin, who would need to obtain a majority among his peers to authorize investigations of the implicated colleagues. As he refuses to attack the corporate wall, there remains a traumatic institutional solution, after the election, via the Senate. In the meantime, the STF is involuntarily campaigning for a candidate called Bolsonaro.
LINK PRESENT: Did you like this text? Subscribers can access seven free accesses from any link per day. Just click the blue F below.
