Her name is Eva, Eva do Amaral Coelho. Out of nowhere, lightning in a clear sky, he emerged from obscurity to celebrity. Outraged by the limitation of “penduricalhos” to judges, whose clean paycheck in March exceeded R$90,000, she raised a war cry: “Soon we will be on the list of those employees who work under slavery.” The extreme hyperbole provoked a national catharsis of moral indignation that, from the contaminated atmosphere of social media, jumped into the professional press.
The relevant phenomenon, however, is not what she said, but the catharsis itself. Eva Sem Noção certainly expresses the historical disconnect between the nobles of the Republic and the common citizens of Brazil. It highlights the disconnect between the judicial rhetoric of equality before the law and the deep-rooted conviction of so many magistrates in the naturalness of their privileges. It also signals the corporate resistance of the judicial caste to the application of the constitutional rule that draws the line at exorbitant remuneration. But Alienated Eva’s anger is a mere symptom: she doesn’t move mills.
Networks form the perfect environment for preaching moral integrity and, as an implication, the virtual burning of heretics caught making execrable statements. The free practice has become a profitable business run by multitudes of influencers. However, in the midst of an existential crisis, he embarks on imitation: Eve’s week was preceded by countless cathartic episodes through which the public is subjected to the pedagogy of virtue and vice.
Moral outrage journalism focuses on inconsequential individual rhetorical scandals, obscuring critical institutional infamies. The uproar surrounding Eva Insensata set the ideal scenario for staging the takedown of the “hangings” promoted by . The real news, which had less repercussion, is different: the magistrates in charge of protecting the Constitution decided to violate it, issuing a series of “fixes” to judges and prosecutors.
The magistrates betrayed the Constitution, but not the corporation. Circumventing the constitutional ceiling, they created an “overceiling” (what doesn’t the language do?) that exceeds the legal limit by 70%. Half of this under the label of “compensation funds” and half under the label of career time. The law is valid, but only for others.
In the wake of the moralistic earthquake precipitated by Eva Imponderada, he published his suggestions for reform of the Judiciary. It’s not what it seems. The list of ideas, which are worthy of analysis, do not include a code of conduct for the STF.
In fact, Dino’s initiative has the dual purpose of diverting attention from the promiscuous relationships of two of his colleagues with Vorcaro’s pyramidal businesses and of aligning the majority of the court around a “positive agenda” capable of burying the code of conduct. Lampedusa in vein: “If we want everything to stay as it is, everything needs to change.”
Eva Escrava’s 13th guarantees two tickets to the Millionaires’ Cup final, along with business tickets, five-star hotels and Michelin restaurants. The “surplus” legislated by the STF would only require some hotel savings – or the providential ride on a companion jet. But he moves mills.
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