The decision that targeted the senator (-PI) and the defeat in the nomination for a seat in the (Supreme Federal Court) anticipated the political clash surrounding the Master case between the president and the senator (-RJ).
Lula is preparing to explore the developments in the cases during the campaign in August, but is now avoiding contaminating his relationship with the . The action against Ciro Nogueira and , however, led their allies to put on the street the strategy of linking the Master scandal to the right.
Ciro Nogueira was minister of the Civil House of (PL) and was one of the options to take over as Flávio’s vice president. The suspicion is that he will defend the bank in Congress. . Since the PF operation on Thursday (7), this has been exploited by the left on social media, generating wear and tear on the opponent, like their .
The hard core of Bolsonaro’s son’s campaign noted that this speech from Lula’s allies had repercussions on social media and led to a reaction from Flávio to, more than give the image of being in favor of the investigations, trying to link suspicions of deviations to the PT.
Both sides treat the issue with caution. Flávio does not want to give up on a possible alliance with Ciro Nogueira, who could be relevant in terms of television time and money for his campaign. Even before the operation, the parliamentarian from Piauí had already fallen in the bets for vice.
Lula, in turn, tries to balance between governability and the electoral dispute when dealing with the impact of the Master scandal on Congress and the STF. Shortly after the PF operation, the president instructed allies not to gloat. The idea is to refute accusations of the corporation’s instrumentalization against opponents, especially after the Senate rejects Messias’ accusation.
One of the arguments to support this strategy is that the rapporteur of the case at the STF, a minister, was appointed by former president Bolsonaro, Flávio’s father.
The tactic is adopted at a time when Lula and the president of the Senate, (-AP), are trying to restore bridges. Alcolumbre is close to Ciro Nogueira and political godfather of the president of Amprev (Amapá Previdência), manager of the state’s own pension scheme, which is the institution in Master.
As shown by SheetAlcolumbre signaled that he wanted a meeting with Lula.
Even among Lula’s allies who recommend caution, however, there is a consensus that the Master case will be one of the themes of the election. The bet is that the PT member will need to make “lemonade out of lemons” and transform Messias’ defeat into a positive electoral agenda.
The idea is to adopt an anti-system discourse in the campaign, denouncing the rejection of an evangelical and the existence of a consortium between the center and the right to hinder the progress of investigations into the bank.
The basis for this offensive is to denounce that Messias’ disapproval and the overturning of the dosimetry veto are part of the center’s alliance with the right and a wing of the STF to stop the investigations.
The opposition spent months asking the CPI to investigate the scandal, but this led to an impasse in overturning the dosimetry veto — which reduces the sentences of those convicted of coup plotting. This type of commission is mandatory to be installed in the first session of Congress after the necessary signatures have been gathered.
Thus, Alcolumbre indicated that he would not call the Congress meeting to overturn the veto until the opposition guaranteed that it would not use the session to press for the installation of the CPI. In fact, Flávio Bolsonaro’s PL did not push for the opening of the collegiate during the dosimetry vote, on the 30th.
PT leader in the Chamber, Pedro Uczai (SC), told Sheet that the party will expose what would be a consortium between the centrão and the right to bury the commission. “On one side it overturned dosimetry and on the other it protected Minister Alexandre de Moraes and the congressmen involved with the Master, overthrowing the CPI. This agreement was clear,” he said.
Messias was publicly supported, who tried to turn votes into the opposition to make the Union’s attorney general his colleague on the STF. PT members will boast that Messiah was rejected because, if approved, .
Despite Lula’s request not to boast about the operation against Ciro Nogueira, a left wing went on the attack, anticipating the campaign speech against Flávio. The minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency, Guilherme Boulos (PSOL), published a montage that shows the senators as a country duo called “Rachadinha & Mesadinha”.
The PL pre-candidate quickly realized that the PF’s operation against Ciro Nogueira would open a flank of attrition, since the senator was tipped to be his vice-president. Flávio published two videos, made in the studio, defending the investigation and attacking the government base for not adhering to Master’s CPI request articulated by the opposition.
He made no reference to Ciro Nogueira, but pointed out suspicions about the Bahia PT’s involvement in the scandal.
Interlocutors admit Flávio Bolsonaro’s fear because Ciro Nogueira is a close person. That’s why they won’t attack him, but they make it clear that they have ammunition to counterattack the government, pointing out that the senator from Piauí, despite having been head of Bolsonaro’s Civil House, was previously an ally of Lula and former president Dilma Rousseff.
This Friday (8), in an interview in Florianópolis (SC), Flávio tried to distance himself from the PP senator and said that the accusations are serious. “You want to link me with Ciro Nogueira, but it’s Lula’s,” he said.
He further stated: “It’s not because people are close to me that I’m going to have to answer for their actions.”
