Elected in February with the support of and , (-PB) went through his first year in charge of the Chamber seeking balance as a mark while accumulating , in addition to leaving behind.
In 2025, the Chamber experienced unprecedented moments of tension and challenge to the authority of the President of the House, with a . There was also the suspension (-RJ), an episode that involved .
Even under criticism from deputies from different political spectrums and under the general assessment that he does not have control of the House, the president is still seen as a natural candidate for reappointment in 2027, if he is re-elected in 2026.
Motta ends the year with, formed by parties from the center and its 276 deputies, therefore excluding the largest benches (the PL with 86 and the PT federation with 80).
However, the image crisis that hit Congress fell to the account of the President of the Chamber, to the point of opposing amnesty for those accused of coup plotting and .
Motta was also provoked by the right-wing agenda in the midst of (PL) and Donald Trump’s sanctions, a situation that imposed demands on the House — of (PL-SP), (PL-SP) and Alexandre Ramagem (PL-RJ) and to punish the mutineers, something that the.
In , the relationship between the Chamber and government (PT), with an ally of Motta taking over the Ministry of Tourism. It is the opposite of the situation between the House and the (Federal Supreme Court) after seeking amendments and parliamentary quota.
Party leaders recognize the turbulent context of the Motta administration, but they also see a small Legislature. (PP-AL), whose authority still hovers in the corridors and which sponsored the election of the successor, defined the.
Ao, Motta stated that there was convergence on many issues, despite the environment contaminated by polarization and electoral dispute. He also said that divergences between the Powers are natural.
“I assumed the presidency of the Chamber with a profile that I have always adopted in my public life: conciliatory, always seeking to find convergence, even in the most complex and difficult moments. Brazil needs this and not more extremism, more radicalization, more polarization”, he said.
In 2025, the and the caretaker of his farm in his office. Furthermore, his chief of staff has a power of attorney to operate employee accounts, which was reported by the Metrópoles website. After avoiding explaining himself to the press for months, he just said .
In the election year, in which the Congress’s operating period is shortened, Motta will face pending issues from 2025, and the administrative reform. The government must make new promises.
In the role of deputy and son, Motta’s mission in 2026 will also be as senator of Paraíba — and for this Lula’s support would be welcome.
In 2025, squeezed between the conflicting demands of government and opposition, Motta adopted the practice of alternating nods to both sides with the argument of seeking moderation, but the result was growing dissatisfaction.
In the case of PL Antifaction, for example, it gave priority to the proposal coming from the Executive, but appointed the oppositionist (PP-SP) as rapporteur. Instead of reflecting a synthesis, the, to the point that its approval was postponed.
Motta also ventured into his own ambitious agenda by supporting the administrative reform, the change of the electoral system and the end of the carry-on bag charge, but the three matters.
The president of the Chamber also tried to piggyback on current issues, such as the regulation of networks for children, , and public safety, driven by . Among the highlights of his first year in office, he lists more than 40 approved projects in the area of security and, with goals for the next decade.
Motta served the government by approving priority economic matters for the PT administration, such as, the cut in tax benefits, the social energy tariff and. He also tried to respond to the opposition by proposing amnesty, and the center by adopting the Blindagem PEC, which required Congressional approval for parliamentarians to be criminally prosecuted.
In the case of amnesty, Motta bowed to the STF and contradicted the Bolsonarism that transformed the total pardon into a reduction in sentences for the former president and prisoners. The proposal was approved by the Chamber and should not be vetoed by Lula.
In the PEC, deputies paid a high electoral cost only to see the issue buried by the Senate, which weakened Motta, accused of not articulating with (-AP). The episode benefited from the two Houses, which, in general, maintain a good relationship.
The Blindagem PEC would have been the main corporate agenda of the year. On the other hand, Motta managed to approve other demands from the deputies, such as a payment schedule for this amount. In 2025, complaints of slow implementation of amendments by the government predominated.
The PEC and the reduction of sentences added to the series of defeats of the Lula government in a Chamber where the majority force is that of the centrão — there was also the veto of environmental licensing and the.
The left was at a disadvantage in the plenary, and the clash with the “Congress, enemy of the people” hit the Motta administration hard.
The siege of Congress also came from the STF, which in one week in December. The court also reversed the decision of the majority of the Chamber’s plenary session not to impeach Zambelli, which involved the ministers.
At the end of the legislative year, the assessment was that, once again, the majority of the House and the other Powers were lacking.
