Readers of this column already know that Bolsonaro deputy Filipe Barros (-PR) will increase FGC coverage and save the . Thanks to journalist Malu Gaspar’s column, we now know that his work in favor of Vorcaro’s bank went much further. And it may have been involved.
Barros’ bill, it is worth remembering, was exactly the same as the proposal for Amendment 11 to PEC 65/2023, written by Banco Master and presented by the former head of Bolsonaro’s Civil House, . If it had been approved, the hole left by the Master in the financial system would have been many times greater than it was.
according to the PF. As far as we know, Filipe Barros did not earn an allowance. Why, then, did he try exactly the same maneuver to save the Master?
When Eduardo Bolsonaro fled to the United States to conspire against Brazil, he appointed Filipe Barros to replace him as president of the Foreign Relations and National Defense Commission of the National Congress (CREDN).
Eduardo liked Barros’ resume as a coup leader: on November 30, 2022, the deputy from Paraná called for a military coup under article 142 in the middle of the National Congress.
Last Friday (12), Malu Gaspar’s column recalled what Eduardo Bolsonaro said, at the time of the change of command at CREDN: “For those who think I don’t [vou] being sitting in that chair, I lost power in CREDN, negative, okay”?
Positive, Bananinha. Now let’s see what Filipe Barros did under his orders.
Suddenly, CREDN began to get involved in regulating the financial sector, something completely outside its remit. Always playing in the same direction: summoning authorities from the CVM and the Central Bank, the bodies that at that point were already investigating the Master, to appear at the commission. The authorities were then subjected to attacks from the Bolsonaro bench and influencers paid by Vorcaro.
These facts give me the right to ask: Filipe Barros, did you protect the Master scheme on Eduardo’s orders? He told everyone that he would continue to run CREDN through him. Did you lie?
Eduardo Bolsonaro’s relationship with Banco Master is very poorly explained. There is no reasonable reason for the money given – which, in theory, would finance a film shot in Brazil – to have circulated throughout the United States. The Intercept Brasil signed a contract as executive producer of “”, with the power to decide on the film’s budget.
Vorcaro’s money would have supported Eduardo Bolsonaro in the United States. The investigations continue.
The Brazilian public needs to know whether Master paid for Eduardo Bolsonaro and Paulo Figueiredo’s coup plots in the United States. How many of Eduardo’s first class flights were paid for by retirees from Rio de Janeiro, by taxpayers in the Federal District, by São Paulo residents whose mayor put public money into “Dark Horse”, by account holders injured by Master?
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