Alarmed by opinion polls, members of the government (PT) have reevaluated the communication strategy adopted in relation to . Recent surveys have once again placed Brazil at the top of Brazilian concerns, alongside public security, according to the president’s allies.
This data reignited the government’s debate about the best approach to the scandal in public speeches. In the opinion of the president’s assistants, the investigations, even if carried out by government bodies, fueled the perception among the population that corruption is a problem of the PT administration, regardless of the political color of those investigated.
Lula has made strong public statements about the Master case. I have already said, for example, that recent operations .
The PT member also stated, in an interview, that he wanted to know why state governments put money into Master’s funds. “What is the scam that exists between Master and BRB [banco do governo do Distrito Federal]? Who is involved?” asked the president at the time.
Previously seen as a political asset against the right – the group of origin of those in the case so far -, and as a demonstration that the government would be combating corruption practiced upstairs, the investigations should now receive another treatment from Palácio do Planalto, according to the president’s allies.
The guidance is for ministers to stay away from the case, on the grounds that the government does not want to get involved in an imminent dispute between the (Federal Supreme Court) and the .
The court’s ministers are especially angry with one, who was rapporteur on the Master case until last week. The magistrate, who was already being pressured to leave the rapporteur, .
In the view of Lulistas, the change in rapporteur should make it easier to shield the Palácio do Planalto from public opinion. Toffoli arrived at the STF in 2009 on the recommendation of Lula. His decision by minister André Mendonça, appointed by the former president (PL), will serve to eliminate suspicions of attempted government interference in the course of the process.
According to these allies, the government will reaffirm its support for the work of the , the PF and the , highlighting that the investigations were initiated during Lula’s administration. The case, however, should no longer receive so much prominence in speeches.
The fight against corruption must be treated as a continuous action by the State, not as a political agenda, in the words of a direct collaborator of the president.
Some of Lula’s allies argue that the focus of government speeches should turn to topics such as taxation of higher-income sectors as a way of financing social policies. This strategy made the government gain space on social media in 2025.
Despite the perception recorded in the surveys, the president’s interlocutors emphasize that the investigations led to the dismantling of a billion-dollar fraudulent scheme and brought to light the participation of leaders from the center. According to reports, there is no intention of imposing a brake on the work of investigators, just changing the government’s strategy.
The possibility of suffering some negative effect, albeit indirect, from the electorate’s perception of corruption revives an old PT trauma.
The party, founded in 1980, grew in the 1990s opposing the government of () with a strong discourse on ethics in politics. This position strengthened party politicians in sectors of the urban middle class, for example.
Afterwards, already in government, the party had its main leaders hit by corruption scandals such as oea. The latter landed Lula in jail in 2018. Afterwards, he had a series of legal victories, was released, became eligible and became president again.
Accusations that the party is corrupt continue to be made by PT opponents. And the strength of the party among the sectors most sensitive to the discourse on ethics in politics was never fully recovered.
