The growth of the no only served to reverse the balance of forces between the Executive and Legislative branches. It will serve in this election to give the electorate a chance to deny the writing that the next Congress will always be worse than the previous one.
To do this, it is necessary to observe some prerequisites when choosing deputies and . Renunciation of belonging to ideological bubbles is one of them, but there are others: maximum attention to the list of candidates, priority similar to that given to candidates for the Presidency and abandonment of gadgets such as charisma and the sale of land on the Moon.
It also counts for a Legislature aligned with the rules of presidentialism to combine parliamentarians with the option of a candidate for president who has programmatic identification with them —again, not necessarily ideological— that facilitates the act of governing.
It is not a question of interdicting the essential office of the opposition, but of distinguishing the roles of the Powers, their duties and rights, in the presidential system. There is doubt about the interest of the beneficiaries of the current distortion to explain that if they want to, they must also have responsibility for implementing public policies.
Without this clear attribution of prerogatives, we will continue as Congress dictates government actions without being responsible for the consequences. A very comfortable situation for Parliament, but with evident institutional distortion. It is therefore urgent to correct the deformation.
If not by changing the system — twice rejected in a plebiscite —, then by a conscious vote. Convinced that the election of congressmen influences the act of governing, changes decisions, prospers or prohibits decisions, the population has the chance to give its way.
And what would be the best way? I’m sure to pay attention, apply rigorous scrutiny to what candidates say about how they intend to use future terms, and question them about what they believe Congress’s role is.
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