This took the plenary of for about 30 hours in protest against the house arrest of the former president () propelled the discussion of proposals to shield politicians against investigations and criminal complaints, leaving out the amnesty for those convicted of undemocratic acts of 8 January 2023.
The agreement also weakened the mayor, Hugo Motta (Republicans-PB), who did not participate directly in the sewing.
Centrão and opposition parties have closed an agreement to accelerate these projects. The idea is to prohibit investigations against deputies and senators until there is no prior approval of Congress and establish three degrees of trial for the lawsuits against congressmen, withdrawing the cases from the (Supreme Court).
At the same time, PP and PSD pledged to debate with Bolsonaro’s PL and the new project to amnesty the former president and the convicts of scammers of January 8, 2023. But the agreement, in this case, is only to try to reach a consensus text-which is now far from existing, as the pockets want “general, wide and unrestricted” forgiveness and the centrão argues for those who Vandalized and organized the depredation.
The agreement was negotiated to vacate the plenary, which occurred late Wednesday night (6). He was sewn by the former mayor (-al) without direct participation of the current president.
Motta said she refused to negotiate guidelines until the riot was over. The scholarship uprising has weakened the power of the deputy and allies admit that he came close to losing governability in the house.
Although this group evaluates the outcome positively, with the reopening of the work, interlocutors recognize that the episode hinders Motta’s management, and even threatening its reelection to the position in 2027.
Motta’s scene unable to occupy his own chair was compared behind the scenes to the president of the president of, (União Brasil-AP), who, also facing a riot, resumed the command of the plenary without any embarrassment, and even received apologies for opposition.
The president of stated that he analyzes images of the plenary cameras to define whether and which deputies will be punished for resisting. There are at least three deputies who are mentioned by colleagues as possible punishment targets-Zé Trovão (PL-SC), who barred for a few seconds the climb of Motta at the table, and Marcel Van Hattem (Novo-RS) and Marcos Pollon (PL-MS), who refused to leave the chairs they occupied.
Motta stated, however, that the PEC (proposal for amendment to the Constitution) that changes the privileged forum has appeal in Congress, because there is “a feeling of discomfort within the House as the Senate with some decisions that are made in the Supreme Court”, and is guided by this feeling to decide what goes to the agenda.
“These guidelines say anti-supreme or judiciary anti-poder end up having reciprocal solidarity because of this discomfort. It is the duty of all who make the agenda focus what is important to strengthen parliamentary prerogatives, the legislature does not give up on that,” he said on Thursday, in an interview with the website Metropolis.
Currently, criminal proceedings against deputies and senators are tried directly in the Supreme when they involve matters related to the mandates. With this, the trial is exhausted in the STF itself, maximum instance of the Brazilian judiciary, without the possibility of requesting a review from other courts.
The purpose of part of the deputies is that the lawsuits against them have three degrees of jurisdiction: they would begin in the Federal Regional Courts (TRFs), with the possibility of appeals to the (Superior Court of Justice) and the STF itself.
The defense made by the centrão is that the Constitution provides for the double degree of jurisdiction to all Brazilians, but that congressmen do not have this possibility of revision of criminal accusations against them by other judges.
The centrão took advantage of the pressure of the former president’s allies to resume this agenda with his own shielding: there are more than 80 STF surveys against deputies and senators for irregularities and money deviations through parliamentary amendments to the budget.
Minister Flávio Dino has under his rapporteur one in the management of Lira, so that the Federal Police would find the attempt to circumvent the decision that required transparency in sending these resources to states and municipalities, with the name of the authors of each nomination.
The return in the discussion of change in the privileged forum was demanded by the pockets as a way to remove the process of the former president of the Supreme Court and send him to lower instances, which would delay the trial on attempted coup d’état-which, in the Supreme, is expected to occur in September.
Another argument from the pockets is that the senators have become “hostage” of the Supreme Ministers, with no possibility of contesting them, as they can be tried criminally by them later. This, in their view, would prevent impeachment progress against Minister Alexandre de Moraes and other members of the Court.
Members of PL, União Brasil and PP also work to shield the deputies and senators of investigations. They want to resume a rule that existed since the first Brazilian Constitution and which only allowed inquiries against parliamentarians in the exercise of the mandate for cases after the express authorization of the legislature, in vote.
This made the inquiries stop while the parliamentarian did not lose his mandate, and was revoked by Congress himself in 2001, in an ethical package led by the House in the face of allegations of corruption.
PP leader in the House, Deputy Dr. Luizinho Teixeira (RJ), says he is favorable “to the return of parliamentary prerogatives of the 1988 Constitution”. “The change of the constitutional text has created an imbalance, the judiciary is a power above,” he says.
Deputy Bia Kicis (PL-DF) called the proposal “PEC of the manumission of Congress”. “Those who are afraid will have the courage to play their role without blackmailing the togades.
