In de to the detriment of , he made his plan clear, at least in the initial line: to advance in the () electorate to try for a place in the second round.
In other words, investing in 2026 and not in building the possibility for 2030. That would be the case if the option had been made by the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, a hypothesis preferred by the centrist wing with tucan plumage that orbits around the alternative project, today having as a reference, but with no guarantee of lasting effect.
In the initial act of the nomination, the obvious idea was to guarantee impact in terms of headlines and internet cuts by resuming the topic of amnesty for Jair Bolsonaro and company. This is while the former president’s eldest son needs to leave certain radicalisms aside to become a moderate.
For now, such an amnesty is a terrain on the Moon, but it serves to affect Bolsonarism and sectors on the right that have not yet shown particular enthusiasm for Flávio Bolsonaro. Two are more evident: evangelicals and . A candidate with a clear conservative identification would, in the view of Kassab’s assistant architects, have the potential to establish bridges and shift support.
Caiado took it easy with President Luiz Inácio da Silva, limiting himself to preaching the withdrawal of the PT from the scene of power. In relation to Flávio Bolsonaro, he was specific: he attacked on the flanks of inexperience and the impetus of youth versus predicates of balance.
Another PSDB bet is on the resistance of Goiás to neutralize and counter attacks. A “hard-core” politician, in the words of his supporters, has more capacity to face debates and face the PT offensive throughout the campaign.
Eduardo Leite would give the candidacy a more central color with hints of left. But it would hardly be possible to take the right wing out of the final dispute.
From this perspective, Caiado would speak more to the conservative majority resistant to fanaticism. Impossible to know, but that’s the plan.
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