If the right doesn’t get smart, if it insists on confronting the governor (Republicans), it could end up losing an election practically won in . This flirtation with the abyss usually plagues those who climb the jump too soon.
It is from this treacherous time that the PL and Jair & sons seem to see the electoral scene in some territories that they consider dominated. In Santa Catarina, the deputy — an ultra-rightist, Bolsonaro supporter of all available sides — to bet on an import from Rio de Janeiro and, with that, produce a split on the local right.
In São Paulo, there are threats to name names to the state government to compete with Tarcísio in the same field. The fight begins over the nomination of candidates for vice president and Senate who are more identified with Bolsonarism, contradicting the logic of the alliance of center-right politicians to expand the scope of attraction for the electorate.
While the opposition disorganizes the terreiro itself, President Luiz Inácio da Silva () shows that he is not messing around. Enter the field painted for war. And with the advantage of recognizing the disadvantages.
On the stage, he claims victory in rhetoric, but in practice he acts with awareness of the difficulties. The public call for () and (PT) was very clear.
It is still unclear, but evidently in progress, what move the president will make to form the ticket for re-election. The impact of the alliance with Alckmin in 2022 has passed. He will need another equally impactful move to keep opponents on the right from their heels.
On the scene, the co-optation of the MDB is emerging. Behind the scenes, however, the script for the next chapters is scribbled. In them, it is not prudent to discard the role of engaged protagonist that you may play with a .
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