Considered the greatest articulator of the first Lula government, the former minister broke protocol and admitted what parliamentarians whisper in the corridors of Congress: the relationship between the Planalto and the Legislature has changed
Considered the greatest political articulator of the first Lula government, former minister José Dirceu (PT) broke protocol and admitted what parliamentarians whisper in the corridors of Congress: the relationship between Planalto and the Legislature has changed — but, in his view, It’s not Lula’s fault.
“That Lula is not the same, nor is Congress”, said Dirceu in an interview with the Direto ao Ponto program, on Young Pan. “You can’t take the first Lula government as an example, nor the second. Brazil has changed. And Congress has changed a lot.”
The phrase is revealing. In Brasília, the complaint is frequent between allies and opponents: the third term lacks the political muscle that Dirceu exercised behind the scenes — the fine game of negotiation, the reserved conversations, the management of the base and even the football with barbecue at Palácio da Alvorada, a ritual that transformed a deputy into an ally even before any vote. The former minister himself governed with four right-wing parties within the ministry. Today, the scenario is different.
For Dirceu, however, the government’s legislative balance is positive. “Lula managed to approve practically all of his proposals — the VAT reform, the Nest Egg, the electricity exemption, the tax reform, income tax up to 5.7 thousand. And we approved for the first time in the history of Brazil the taxation of exclusive funds, offshore funds and profit on equity.”
But it was when talking about the parliamentary amendments that Dirceu pointed out the crux of the issue — and used a tone that few PT members dare in public. “It is the main element that changes the relationship between the Legislature and the Executive,” he stated.
“Firstly because it invades the powers of the Executive. Secondly because, as we see from the investigations and processes, parliamentarians have already been condemned because of amendments.”
The numbers he cites are heavy: 93 inquiries, three parliamentarians investigated on suspicion of embezzlement. And a complaint that became a symbol — 2.3 billion reais in amendments destined for shows in city halls. “The show is more expensive than the city hall itself,” he said, without hiding his indignation.
Dirceu’s diagnosis is straightforward: the Brazilian parliamentarian has become too powerful. “The deputy, the senator today is independent of the mayor, the governor and the President of the Republic. Four hundred million in amendments per term — and 40, 50% of city halls in Brazil do not have a budget of 200, 300, 400 million.”
For him, the solution involves a structural change. “Radical regulation of parliamentary amendments is necessary. They cannot continue as they are, because it will end very badly.”
The message is for Congress. But also, between the lines, to the Palácio do Planalto.
*This text does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Jovem Pan.
