Pedro Urruchurtu (Caracas, 1990) is the coordinator of International Relations in the office of the opposition leader María Corina Machado y Edmundo González Urrutiaa position that earned him the political persecution by the regime Nicolas Maduro. It happened more than 400 days trapped inside the Argentine embassy in Caracas, along with five colleaguesfrom where he left in an operation coordinated with the United States, where he has resided since then. It justifies the US intervention on January 3 and adopts the Trumpist name of the “Cartel of the Suns”, coined in the Venezuelan academic world to refer to Maduro’s autocratic regime which, when assimilated literally, has allowed the Trump Administration to justify the capture of Maduro as the leader of the alleged criminal group and take him to US soil to judge him. In this context, Urruchurtu speaks to EL PERIÓDICO during its participation in the Geneva Human Rights and Democracy Summit, in Switzerland.
Who really rules today in Venezuela?
The regime was mortally wounded on January 3. The US has taken the lead in an important way and has established a phased transition that seeks long-term stability for investments, the rule of law and democracy, and obviously for Venezuelans. Marco Rubio said it at the Munich Security Conference this week: no one can doubt that Venezuela is better off on January 3 than on January 2. That opens an opportunity, but for it to materialize it has to be a real transition.
Under the leadership of Delcy Rodríguez, how is this transition different from continuity?
The situation is radically different because the capacity for execution was demonstrated. It is no longer a question of whether the regime wants to give in, it is that it has to give in. There is a legitimacy and leadership that the regime previously tried to ignore and now it can no longer ignore. This puts the regime in contradiction: it tries to please its base by maintaining its internal narrative; but they have to dismantle themselves, and they know it.
With Maduro already captured, what levers of pressure remain to prevent the changes from being merely cosmetic?
There is a credible threat that materialized on January 3 and has not disappeared: there is still a deployment in the Caribbean and the US has shown that it is willing to use it. The regime knows that, if it does not comply, the threat is activated and it can repeat what has already happened. The advances do not respond to a democratic epiphany, but to fear. They know that, if they do not comply, the same thing as Nicolás Maduro could happen to them. Even when it releases prisoners but avoids full releases, it knows that it is a dangerous game: if the releases are not complete, the regime knows that it is playing with fire.
What has to happen for María Corina Machado and Edmundo González to effectively lead the Government?
According to the US scheme, first comes the dismantling of the repressive apparatus: closure of detention and torture centers, responsibilities before justice and full and immediate freedom for all political prisoners. Afterwards, the return from exile with real guarantees. If fear is dismantled, the regime is left without the only thing that sustains it. From there the mandate of July 28 is recognized [elecciones en las que la oposición proclamó a Edmundo González Urrutia como ganador] and a transition begins that leads to re-institutionalization and new elections.
Were you surprised that María Corina Machado was not named to lead the transition after January 3?
The US has acted based on its interests and what it considers necessary for the stability of the process. That does not mean that there is no communication, coordination and articulation. The US has an approach that, in our view, could have been different, but it is the one they consider most useful at this stage. We have let them know that we are ready to take power as soon as appropriate.
Are you worried that the US is going too far with its intervention?
The US decided to risk the lives of its soldiers for another country with the aim of removing Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores from power. Like heads of a cartel, by the way. It was not a coup d’état. It was literally dismantling the head of a criminal cartel structure. We trust our main ally and I also trust the Venezuelans and their own leadership. There is urgency, and sometimes international times do not reflect it.
You use the term “Cartel of the Suns”, like the Trump Administration, literally, although the term was rather academic and informal to refer to the regime…
Controversial is denying that the regime is criminal. The Cartel of the Suns exists and the regime is part of it. It is a structure that has occupied power and turned Venezuela into a narco-state. The cartel is real.
What were those 400 days like that you spent in the Argentine embassy in Caracas?
They confirmed the criminal nature of the regime. They turned an embassy into a prison, violating norms and international law. We were hostages, used as chips. Everyday life was survival. You cling to the minimum and hold on to the conviction that you are doing the right thing. There was extreme deprivation of food, water, electricity, but the most shocking thing was understanding how far they were willing to go. And one wonders: what would have happened if they had killed us in there?
Do you want to answer your own question?
I would like to believe that something would have happened, but probably nothing would have happened; That’s the hardest thing, because 14 months had already passed without an effective reaction.
How was the exit?
The output can be told with details later. I can only say that you have to make decisions when your life is at risk and when in the end you know that your only option is to try, even if it goes wrong. I think I would do it again because it is the right thing to do.
What do you expect from Spain?
We expect much more from Spain, but it is clear that they have taken a neutral position that unfortunately ends up favoring the system. [José Luis Rodríguez] Zapatero makes his role more and more evident: more than an operator of the regime, he is a facilitator of its criminal dynamics, something perverse and dangerous. The Spanish Government has shown important signs of solidarity and support with political exiles, but it has adopted positions that, unfortunately, have favored the regime.
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