The case of the became radioactive. He had more than a year to frame it and he explained the size of the fraud. The minister took the reins of the investigation and got involved. The Supreme Court removed him from the case but, in the same move, expressed solidarity with him. (How this is possible, only time will tell.) One part of Congress wants a CPI, another prefers to just interrogate, the owner of the problem and a living archive of its ramifications.
In this confusion, in Brasília, people are shooting everywhere except at the target: Vorcaro’s connections. It is curious that, while the shooting takes over the agenda, the only institution that has been successfully investigating radioactive material is kept off the agenda. This is , to whom the few new features coming out of the Master’s black box are due.
As incredible as it may seem, the creation of a CPI brings more risks than hopes. The CPI of fraud is still in people’s memories. That CPIzza ended in shame. He did not hold viv’alma accountable nor did he listen to the company’s large shareholders. When she finished, there were deputies denouncing deputies, and that was it.
Vorcaro wants a microphone to hold the Central Bank accountable, the government wants to protect its troops and part of the opposition wants to keep investigations away from its fortunate parliamentarians. With these forces clashing in the discussion of the problem, there was only one possible outcome: secrecy. Minister Dias Toffoli tried. He had the bad luck to get into trouble with the Federal Police and what happened.
Toffoli’s departure from the rapporteur put on the agenda what would be the leak, through a wiretap, of a closed meeting of the . Okay, a new rapporteur would be selected and the crime would likely be a wiretap, which faithfully revealed the outcome of the problem. punish those responsible for the leak. That’s fine, as long as the PF’s investigations continue.
The Master crash started with a bank defrauding operations and damaging civil servants’ pension funds. This network of schemes came from Vorcaro’s connections, fueled by business, events and parties. A part of these connections is stored on the 52 cell phones of the banker and his directors. This material is with the PF, which until now has not shown it, nor to the STF.
This is where Pindorama’s biggest bank fraud could come to light. In this plot, Vorcaro is a detail, as details were Magalhães Pinto from Banco Nacional and Calmon de Sá from Econômico. The ruined bankers are the moving part of a cast. Now it’s one, now it’s another, until the next one arrives. The plot is always the same and involves the connections between these banks and the upper floor of Pindorama politics. (In the Economic and National revenues, there were former ministers on the podium.)
If the Brasília combinations result in CPI for the Master, that’s fine, as long as it doesn’t hinder or try to obstruct the work of the Federal Police. You tried and it didn’t work.
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